Official Website of Patali Champika Ranawaka, Sri Lanka

Beginning of a Journey

If life is a journey, having trodden the less traveled road, I have weathered the most diverse and extreme conditions and emerged a survivor. Whether I am a victor or a vanquished is something that history has to tell one day. Born on August 4, 1965, I enjoyed a carefree childhood as the youngest in the family of six children. Bulathsinhala in the 1960s and 1970s provided almost everything that a curious and rather spoilt child would aspire to experience – scenic beauty, a happy neighbourhood and a wholesome sense of security.

Growing up among three sisters and two brothers, all elder to me, I became this rather prodigious child having picked up everything that my elder siblings would discuss at home. I was beyond my years in maturity as a result and the thirst for knowledge saw me becoming a voracious reader, a habit that I am yet to give up.

While it was a foregone conclusion that I would fair well academically my family took pride in the fact that I became the highest scorer for Kalutara district at the Grade Five Scholarship Exam and also later when I got selected to the Moratuwa University. At Horana Thakshila where I studied from grade six to advanced level exam many teachers and students had found a streak of stubbornness in me as I used to constantly argue with teachers over various subjects. Surely not everyone would have enjoyed it. Dabbling in sports, music, dancing and variety of other activities I tried to diversify my interests in an attempt to understand what it would be like to excel in fields other than academic work. Overall my life at Thakshila was an enriching experience and laid a firm foundation to what I would become in the years to come.

Campus Life

When I entered Moratuwa University in 1984 it was a place of great promise. The campus was going through a phase of revival in terms of intellectual debate and discussion on subject matter. However outside the university walls, it was a different world altogether. There were ominous signs that growing autocratic tendencies of President J.R. Jayewardena was leading the country to a disaster. His actions gave fodder to the JVP which was anxiously waiting for an opportunity to radicalize youth and turn them violent. While our university was largely immune to the JVP indoctrination a few others like Sri Jayawardenapura were infested with JVP activism.

Moratuwa students though largely left oriented had a somewhat liberal approach and were treading a middle path. My extensive reading on Marxism as a school boy made it clear to me that applying Marxism in the wrong circumstances can cause even a greater damage than capitalism. Later it became obvious that the information technology and the liberalization of economies were making all ‘isms’ obsolete. There is no scope for cut and dry definitions. It was, therefore inevitable that I went for a head on clash with the JVP but was forced to walk side by side with them when Jayawardene’s autocratic action prophesied doom for the motherland. Among them, the Indo-Lanka Accord polarized the polity like no other. While the patriots were looking for avenues to upset Rajiv Gandhi plan, the JVP which by then had cultivated unofficial ties with the LTTE too rose strongly and violently against the accord. When we resisted JVP’s violent and imprudent moves to drag the entire generation of youth into the political mess we were hounded by rabid JVP activists. Still the bigger threat to us came from the death squads of the government and its paramilitary groups which were on a killing spree. The pro-government allies in the Colombo University which justified this State sponsored violence too were after all anti-government forces. Those were the days of PRRA and Black Cats as the youthful of Sri Lanka rotted in the streets and floated down streams.

Student Leader

Amidst all this turmoil as a student leader I was in the forefront of a move to form a major opposition alliance to defeat UNP Presidential candidate Ranasinghe Premadasa at the 1988 Presidential polls. While my interaction with the likes of Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Anura Bandaranaike Kumar Ponnambalam, Rukman Senanayake, M.H.M. Ahsraff, Dinesh Gunawardena and Chanaka Amaratunga helped me to understand their individual style of politics and the failure of the alliance to see the light of the day taught me the lesion of my life – that even at the death bed of democracy politicians put parochial interests before nation.

National leaders’ failure to join hands in the most decisive hour saw thousands of more youth losing their lives to violence. I was arrested and was kept in a camp housed at the Colombo Law Faculty. The manner the JVP seniors betrayed the fellow leaders at this camp shed light on what the LTTE leaders would do in desperation two decades later. Thought kept blindfolded I was very much alive to what was going around. A decade later Major General Tilak Paranagama an officer in charge of the camp would become a senior office bearer of Sihala Urumaya.

Janatha Mithuro

It was unavoidable that a sense of disillusionment engulfed me during the first few months after my release from the camp. Just like other anti-JVP, nationalist youth leaders who saw their plans to preserve national integration going awry due to self-centred, opportunists I realized the need for a fresh start. Janatha Mithuro (People’s friends) which could ostensibly called Sri Lanka’s first green party was the result of such careful contemplation. Not limiting to the green agenda we made it a point use the platform as a launch pad to inspire the nation to the need preserve the territorial integrity of the country in the face of growing threats – both local and international.

Backing the Peoples Alliance with Chandrika Kumaratunga as its leader at the 1994 parliamentary and presidential polls was virtually Hobson’s choice that we were left with as we were bent on ending the 17 year old UNP regime of the UNP. It did not take that long for us to realize that Chandrika Kumaratunga, in her ignorance to understand what it takes to be a ruler of a country has become a virtual prisoner of the federalists within her party. Never a patriot she was far from being a conviction politician – something both her predecessors were despite their reckless politics, and her intellectual limitations saw her stubbornly resisting any well meaning proposals from the nationalists.

The LTTE was having a field day due to Chandrika’s political blunders and she was busy preparing a new Constitution to handover Sri Lanka’s Northern and Eastern provinces to the LTTE on a platter, for a period of ten years, in the name of an interim administration as a part of her federal plan.

National Movement Against Terrorism (NMAT)

In 1998, the year this plan first became public, we formed National Movement Against Terrorism (NMAT), Sri Lanka’s largest, consistently anti-terrorist movement to-date. One of the key achievements of the NMAT was raising the spirits of demoralized officers and soldiers after major military debacles. Regular meetings with military officers and visits to camps were very much part of our agenda since the inception of the organization.

The LTTE suicide attack on Chandrika the following year, instead of seeing her ruling out any concessions to the LTTE saw her being numbed with fear and made her more determined to go ahead with her plans for power devolution. The fast unto death campaign by Ven. Hedigalle Wimalasara thera of the NMAT in front of Pettah Bo tree is still remembered as the single most effective mark of protest against the tabling of the draft Constitution bill in parliament. Chandrika was forced to abandon her plan while dark clouds still gathered over Sri Lanka in the new millennium.

Sihala Urumaya

Four months before the protest, in April 2000, we formed Sinhala Urumaya, a necessary precursor to a mass mobilization of informed nationalists in the years to come.

Long standing nationalists S.L. Gunasekara and Tilak Karunaratne were appointed president and secretary of the new party while I was made the national organizer.

A fledging Sihala Urumaya won a national list slot at the October 2000 elections and my one year term in Parliament went on to confirm that the two principal parties woefully lacked the political will and courage to weather external influence and wage a sustained war against the LTTE for a specific period of time.

A series of political blunders that triggered crossovers, fatal LTTE attacks and an unholy alliance with the JVP, was all that the media juggernaut of the UNP wanted to shred the PA into bits at the 2001 December parliamentary polls. Sihala Urumaya was still ill-equipped to fight this media avalanche and failed to retain its seat as a result.

However nothing rallied support and fortified the nationalist movement as the UNP did through its sheer passion to please the western masters. From the word go the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration proved to be a mere lap dog of the US and its allies and its lethal memorandum of understanding with the LTTE saw many agreeing with the nationalists that Sri Lanka was digging its grave. Through the loopholes in the international safety net of Ranil Wickremesinghe, Velupillai Prabhakaran gained international political legitimacy, something that he had never enjoyed before. Visas and entry fees were introduced in the Tamil Eelam as Prabhakaran made swift moves to expand his homeland by setting up camps in new areas. Dozens of Tiger military installations mushroomed specially in Trincomalee encircling the harbour and navy base posing a grave threat to sovereign Sri Lanka’s security. When Chandrika moved to take key portfolios of the UNF government including the subject of defence, much damaged had been done. The memory of Chandrika’s federal design and the growing disillusionment over the alien politics of Wickremesinghe administration frustrated the optimistic thinking of a big chunk of suburban and urban Sinhala Buddhist middle class. It was a time of great disenchantment as far as national politics were concerned and the mysterious death of Ven. Gangodawila Soma Thera, a torch bearer of modern Buddhist reawakening movement, added up to the people’s misery. Pent up anger and frustration of Sinhalese were looking for outlets.

Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU)

It was in this backdrop that we graduated to Jathika Hela Urumaya from Sihala Urumaya unifying the disgruntled nationalist forces. The spectacular performance of the JHU at the 2004 April general election stunned both the principal parties. In addition to capturing a big chunk of the floating vote the JHU had eaten into the vote banks of both the UNP and the SLFP. Our results created a fresh insecurity complex in the JVP which started seeing JHU as a threat to its position as the third power in Sri Lankan politics.

The result; harassment of JHU monk parliamentarians from all three parties from the moment they were elected. The violent treatment they received in parliament saw Ven. Kolonnawe Sri Sumanagala thera quitting politics for good. Ven. Uduwe Dhammaloka thera who was hounded by members from all parties decided to remain independent. Two other monks gave into the pressure from the UPFA. It was clear that gentle and accommodating Buddhist monks were no match to the violent and manipulative members of the other parties. In order to preserve the Sinhala Buddhist mandate and carry forward the vision it was mandatory to introduce somebody who could resist external pressure with equal aggression to Parliament.

Minister

The party chose me. By the time I was appointed Minister of Environment and Natural Resources we were well on our path to fulfill our obligation to those who placed their faith in us. We had successfully appealed the Supreme Court to de-merge the North and East, rule that the post-tsunami mechanism was unconstitutional and limit the term of President Chandrika Kumaratunga to 2005. These three key judgments cleared the ground for our soldiers to march on with dignity, with their heads held high in their expedition to annihilate the LTTE.

It was a foregone conclusion that the JHU would provide the ideological backing to President Mahinda Rajapaksa when the United National Party (UNP) and the JVP were buckling the troops’ advancements to Tiger den.

The War Forward

Having achieved one of our key objectives – military victory over the LTTE, we have realized that preserving national integration is as equally difficult as achieving it. We are also very much alive to the fact that a strong foreign policy is dependent on a strong economy and building up a vibrant economy is the immediate challenge that awaits Sri Lanka.

With new tools and evolving sensibilities we are gearing up for this new set of responsibilities.

04th August 1965 - Birth

1971 – 1975 Primary education at Ingiriya Sumanajothi Vidyala and Botalegama Vidyalaya

1976 – 1983 Entered Thakshila Vidyalaya Horana on merit after scoring the highest district aggregate at Grade Five Scholarship from the Kalutara district

1983 – Passed GCE (A/L) with the top score from the district

1984 – Entered University of Moratuwa to follow a degree in Electrical and Power Engineering

1985 – Represented the batch in the University Student Council

1986 – Joined the Maubima Surekeeme Wyaparaya against division of the Country

1987 – Convener of the Student Council of University of Moratuwa and a senior leader of the Inter University Students Federation (IUSF).

1987 – Protested against the Indo - Lanka peace accord and the Thirteenth Amendment, by leading non - violent agitations.

1987 - Promoted the Jathika Chinthanaye Ideology amongst students as an alternative to Marxism and Capitalism.

1988 – Leader of the delegation which held discussions with Minister A.C.S Hameed, against the detention of Students Leaders, the North Colombo Medical College (NCMC), and Establishment of Student Councils and won all three demands from the then UNP regime.

1988 – Instrumental in convening the grand opposition party alliance and drafting its manifesto on behalf of the IUSF.

1988 - Made an appeal against the JVP call to boycott presidential polls and campaigned against violence. Urged the voters cast their ballot according to their conscience without giving into terror tactics of the JVP.

1989 - Authored “Ape Maga” a book on the student struggle and Bhikku movements from the time of Maha Vihara.

1989 - Formed an alternative student movement based on nationalist values and non violence.

1989 – Imprisonment

1990 – Release

1990 – Established the legally recognized students bodies elected by student vote

1990 – Penned ‘Sunset of Development’ a book which elaborates the limitations in imbalanced growth

1991 – Formed Janatha Mithuro, the first Green Political Movement in Sri Lanka and was appointed its National Organizer

1991 – Helped the move to impeach President Premadasa

1991 – Formed Citizens Front for Democracy and Human Rights.

1991 – Arrested and detained illegally at Wadduwa and was later exonerated and paid compensation by the Supreme Court in a landmark case.

1992 – Passed the degree with a Second Class Upper

1993 – Worked for democracy during Provincial Council Elections as part of a pressure group.

1994 – Supported Presidential and General Elections in view of re-establishing democracy.

1995 – Was instrumental in the formation of the National Bhikku Forum and campaigned against the Confederal Package of the government and was the first to alert the country of the government move to introduce a new Constitution based on confederal model.

1995 – Authored a book titled ‘Sapeksha’ explaining the philosophical base of non- essentialism and relativism.

1996 – Became the key speaker of the Jathika Sanga Sabha and Sinhala Weera Vidhana.

1997 – Authored “Koti Vinivideema” explaining the historical background and the need to defeat tiger terrorism.

1998 – Formed National Movement against Terrorism (NMAT) to fight tiger terrorism.

1999 – Authored the “Strategy to Defeat Tigers” and presented it to the government.

1999 – Started organizing the expatriate Sri Lankans against Tiger terrorism and the division of the Country. Launched the first ever organized e- mail network and websites against LTTE propaganda.

2000 – Traveled overseas to initiate programmes to gather support for antiterrorism campaigns.

2000 – Instrumental in forming Sihala Urumaya and become its National Organizer.

2001 – Appointed to Parliament.

2002 – Agitated against the peace accord brokered between Tigers and the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL).

2004 – Became the facilitator to form the Jathika Hela Urumaya and helped to elect Bhikkus to the Parliament.

2004 – Helped tsunami victims to rebuild their lives through the Bhodhi Raja Foundation

2005 – Agitated against the P-TOMS and successfully went to Supreme Court to annul it

2005 – Helped the case to get the Presidential Election on time.

2005 –Was in the forefront of the campaign to elect President Mahinda Rajapaksha on a Nationalist Platform.

2006 – Organized the protest against the Mavil Aru closure by the LTTE

2007 – Became the Minister of Environment and Natural Recourses.

2008 - Achieved self - sufficiency for the Ministry

2008 – Became the Chairman of the Vienna Convention for three years.

2008 – Formulated the worlds first Sustainable Human Development Index and elaborated the Carbon-dept owed to us by developed countries. These new parameters have been used successfully to elaborate Sri Lanka’s position in international climate change discussions.